Felbridge & District History Group

About Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book
The purpose of a commonplace book was a way of compiling and storing information, knowledge and useful facts and concepts, creating a hand-written book that was unique to its creator’s particular interests, which began appearing in England during the 15th century. By the 17th century commonplacing, or the act of keeping a commonplace book, had become a recognised practise that was formally taught to students at colleges such as Oxford, where Edward was educated.

Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book, now held at the British Library, was a second-hand book that he had acquired with the cover bearing the name ‘Rowland Williams’, and the back cover bearing ‘Rowland Williams, His Book, 1697’. However, comparison of the hand writing on the front and back covers with that found inside the book suggests that the contents were written by Edward Evelyn and Mr Fortescue, on Edward’s behalf, and not Rowland Williams, although it is unclear how the book changed owners or who Rowland Williams actually was.

At first glance the contents of Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book appear to be well ordered with two facing pages given a single number. The book begins with a short text followed by 118 sides (up to page 60) of notes on mathematics including geometry, logarithms, trigonometry and algebra, however, a second set of notes on geometry appear later in the book on six sides between pages 94 and 96. The book ends on page 107, giving a total of 214 pages, which, with the removal of the 126 sides of mathematical notes, gives 88 sides of writings by Edward Evelyn. These writings hint at his military involvement in the Peninsula wars in the War of Spanish Succession including military training and accounts, together with his personal and general accounts, interspersed with prose, sayings and quotes in English, French and Latin. Some pages are missing and only a few entries are dated and in chronological order with many of the back pages pre-dating entries nearer the front of the book.

Edward Evelyn and his family
Edward Evelyn was the son of George Evelyn and his second wife, Margaret. Edward’s father, George, had been born in 1641, the son of Sir John Evelyn of Lee [Leigh] Place, Godstone [Lagham] and Marden, all in Surrey, [for further details see Handout, Lagham Manor, SJC 10/99], the Evelyn family having made their money through the manufacture of gunpowder. George attended Christ Church College, Oxford, entering it on 31st July 1658, after college he became a barrister-in-law at the Middle Temple, later becoming MP for Bletchingley between 1678 and 1681 and Gratton between 1696 and 1698.

George married Margaret Webb around 1680, after the death of his first wife (name not known). George and Margaret had Margaret born in 1674, Thomasin born in 1675, Mary born in 1676, John born in 1677, George born in 1678 and Edward, born in 1681. Sadly, George’s wife Margaret died in 1683 and he took a third wife, Frances Broomhall, the daughter of Andrew Broomhall of Stoke Newington. George and Francis had Richard born in 1685, William born in 1686 and Frances born around 1687.

At some point during his life, Edward’s father George Evelyn acquired the Nutfield estate from his great grandfather as well as seventy acres of Felbridge that the older George had purchased in 1588 comprising of thirty acres adjoining Felbridge Water and forty acres known as the fields of Star Barn. In 1671 George became heir to Lagham, Marden and Flowers [Fleur or Flore] after the death of his brother John, and in 1692, he settled the seventy acres in Felbridge and a newly built house called Heath Hatch on his youngest son William, [for further details see Handout, Felbridge Place, SJC 10/99].

Edward Evelyn was educated at Pembroke College, Oxford, entering on 23rd July 1698, being recorded aged eighteen and from Felbridge. By 1700 he was a student of the Inner Temple, following in the footsteps of his father as a barrister-at-law.

In June 1699 Edward’s father George died, although his will was not proved until 21st February 1701. In his will he left £6000 upon the manor of Walkhampsted alias Godstone, as well as his house that his son John owned by copyhold of him, which if John decided to retain, had to pay £500 to his brother William. To his wife Frances, George left his ‘plate’ that bore their arms, along with the wrought bed in the ‘yellow’ chamber and all furniture of the ‘chamber in which I and my wife lay’ [bedroom]. He left £1,500 each to daughters Thomasin and Mary, and sons Richard and William on reaching the age of twenty-four or on their marriage if it preceded that age, with 5% interest paid quarterly to them.

It is interesting to note that of the nine children that George fathered, only four are mentioned in his will, Edward being one of the children omitted. Edward’s sister Mary, mentioned in the will, married Arthur Apsley who was later referred to in Edward’s commonplace book as ‘my brother Apsley’ and who died in 1719, but unfortunately no other information has yet come to light about Mary, or Thomasin the other sister mentioned in the will. As for the three brothers of Edward mentioned in the will, no information has come to light on John except that he must have survived his father as he was cited as sole executor in the will. Richard married Jane Mead, the sister of Thomas Mead who was Lord Mayor of Dublin, settling in Ireland and later recorded ‘of Dublin and Naas’. After the death of Jane, Richard married Elizabeth Cadden. William married Frances Glanville the daughter of William Glanville, on the 12th February 1718, taking his wife’s surname to become William Evelyn-Glanville. After the death of Frances on 23rd July 1719, William married Bridget Raymond, the daughter of Hugh Raymond of Langley, and later adopted the surname Evelyn of St Clere. Edward’s remaining brother George, who was also not mentioned in their father’s will, acquired Lagham and married Mary Garth, who after his death married Charles Boone. Little or no information has yet come to light on Edward’s remaining sisters, except Margaret died in 1764 and Frances, died unmarried, date unknown.

At the time of Edward’s father’s death in 1699, Edward was aged about eighteen and the first entry in his commonplace book, dated 6th September 1700 may be a reflection on the circumstances:
Dear Melancholly shade! Thou blest retreat from what mistaken nigh call good & great faith lights! that only serve in show to much our hopes, but doe increase our re[illegible] thus here wrapt in thy dark mantle let me forgeet [forget] & buried in obscurity where all is husht [hushed] & no presumptuous noise dares to intrude upon my silent joys deluded as I was at last I find the blessing of a calm & quiet mind.

It has not yet been possible to determine precisely what Edward Evelyn was doing between 1700 and 1707 but it is evident from his commonplace book that by 1707 he had chosen a military career and was by that date Captain Evelyn, rising to the rank of Major by 1711 (further details to follow) and Colonel in the first half of 1713.

There is a portrait of Edward Evelyn, now in a private collection in America, which, from the style of clothing and his appearance, was painted in the first quarter of the 18th century. The portrait shows him wearing a red jacket or coat and matching waistcoat, with red buttons down the front of both garments and a button at elbow height on the jacket sleeve with possible deep, turn-back cuffs. He wears a neck cloth loosely tied and his hair, or possibly wig, is dark with a centre parting with long, loose curls to the shoulder that was fashionable up until about 1715. His facial features show him to have had a high forehead, long oval face and fairly long nose, very similar to that of a portrait of the famous diarist, John Evelyn, to whom he was distantly related as first cousin once removed, Edward’s grandfather being the brother of John’s father. It is possible that Edward’s portrait was painted to mark a significant point in his life and would fit well with the date of his marriage in June 1713 to Julia Butler, the daughter of the James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde, related to the Boleyn family.

James Butler had been born on 29th April 1665, and married Anne Hyde, the daughter of Laurence Hyde, 1st Earl of Rochester on 15th July 1682. Unfortunately, Anne died around 1684 and James married Mary Somerset, the daughter of Henry Somerset, 1st Duke of Beaufort. It is generally accepted that Mary was the most likely mother of Julia. In 1702 James Butler was made the Commander of Land Forces co-operating with Sir George Rooke in Spain where he fought in the Battle of Cadiz and the Battle of Vigo Bay. On his return to Ireland in 1703, James was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a position he held until 1707, and again between 1710 and 1713. However, in 1715, he was impeached for taking part in the Jacobite rebellion and fled to France before settling in Spain. In 1716 his immense estates in Ireland were confiscated, although his brother, Charles Butler, Earl of Arran, was later able to purchase them back. Possibly as a result of the confiscation, James took part in the Spanish plan to invade England in 1719 but the fleet was disbanded by a storm near Galacia and he returned to Spain. James died on 16th November 1745, aged eighty, and was buried at Westminster Abbey, his wife Mary having pre-deceased him in 1733.

In 1714, Edward and Julia Evelyn had a son, unfortunately his name is not known and as no further records exist, the implication is that he did not survive past infancy. A year later, they had a daughter, Julia Margaret, who was christened on 15th September 1715 at Westminster, followed by a second son, James, who was christened on 18th August 1718. In 1719, Edward Evelyn retired from his military career and purchased Heath Hatch and the seventy acres at Felbridge from his brother William, settling with his family in Felbridge, where a third son called John was born, being christened on 4th May 1725 at St Margaret’s, Westminster, again like their first son, there are no further records on John suggesting that he too did not survive infancy. Julia Margaret married, at the age of thirty-eight, James Sayer, on 19th July 1755 in Chelsea. James Sayer’s family originated from Worsall near Yarm in North Yorkshire before moving to London in the early 1700’s, being later granted the manor house at Marsh Gate, Richmond, by George III. James became Deputy Steward of Westminster and Steward of the manor of Richmond. Julia and James had at least one child, Frances Julia born about 1757 who later married Monsieur de Pougens, who was a distinguished litterateur and a prominent member of the Institute of France.

As already established, in 1719 Edward purchased Heath Hatch from his brother William, and in 1741 he purchased a ‘messuage at Park Corner’ and some 130 acres of land being part of the manor of Hedgecourt from William Gage. These two purchases, being now the site of Whittington College and a small farmhouse at Park Corner, now the Star Inn, were the catalyst for the creation of the Felbridge estate. However, from his commonplace book it is evident that prior to this date, Edward also owned property in the Blindley Heath and Tandridge areas, as his general accounts detail receipt of payments from tenants that include, John Baukum [Bawcombe] who occupied Hurst Farm otherwise Blindley Heath Farm, now the Blue Anchor, William Bysh [Bish] who occupied Snouts Farm, now the Red Barn, both at Blindley Heath, and Stephen Bassett, a blacksmith of Oxted who took out a twenty-one year lease with the Evelyn family on his property in 1700.

In 1724, on the death of his brother George, Edward inherited the manor of Godstone along with the advowson and rectory of the church of St Nicholas in Godstone, which had passed in succession through his older brothers. Finding the property saddled with various encumbrances and debts, Edward sold it, along with the advowson and rectory of the church of St Nicholas, to Charles Boone, the second husband of his sister-in-law, Mary Evelyn, widow of his brother George.

It is perhaps significant that in 1747, just two years after the death of Edward’s father-in-law, James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde, he purchased the remainder of the manor of Hedgecourt that included Snow Hill Farm, Chapel Farm and Forge Farm, as well as Woodcock Hammer and forgeman’s house, Furnace, Mill and Forge ponds (Furnace, Hedgecourt and Wiremill Lakes), and woodland including, Thorny Park, Roughlet Park, Denshire Cuttings, Snow Hill Wood, Mill Wood, Warren and Cuttinglye, from the trustees of William Gage for the sum of £8,260. These properties were then deeded to his son James on 9th May 1748. Also in 1748, Edward commissioned John Bourd to produce a map of the newly formed estate of Felbridge that extended to 1536 acres 2 roods and 34 perches. Sadly he did not enjoy the estate for long as Edward Evelyn died in 1751 and his will, proved on 21st February 1752, requested that he be buried in the family vault in Godstone church ‘in a strong lead coffin with a small monument to be inscribed Ens Eentium Miserere Mei [Father and source of being, have mercy upon me (God - Have mercy on me)].

Edward left to his son James, his ‘farm at Felbridge Water where I now dwell’, plus ‘all timber lately purchased of William Gage’ which he stipulated could not be used for two years. He also stipulated that James was not to build a house with outbuildings and garden that exceeded £1000. He also left to James, two cottages called Hassels, plus ‘a now erected house at the sign of the Star [the Star Inn] and the smith shop [Felbridge Forge] in the occupation of Mitchell’, along with ‘all that common of Felbridge purchased of my brother Glanville, the farm in the occupation of Thomas Cowper with land and tithes, the cottage, outhouses and closes called Crab Cross, all of which above are in Godstone and Tandridge’. To his daughter Julia he left £2000, to be inherited after the death of his wife, which was ‘secured on some part of the estate of Rt. Hon Earl of Arran (his wife’s uncle) in Ireland’, plus £1000, ‘part of £1250 put out to interest on the Class Lottery Tickets by mortgage made on Felbridge Water Farm’, along with ‘all other land purchased by me of the Col. John West, in trust’. The remaining £250 was to go to his son James after the death of his wife Julia.

Edward’s request for a small monument to be erected in the church of St Nicholas was met by his wife; however, in 1786 his son James erected a monument of very large proportion to the memory of both his parents in the grounds of Felbridge Place, formerly Edward’s ‘farm at Felbridge Water’.
The monument was designed by John Soane at the cost of £260 and consists of a single square step on which a circular drum stands. The circular drum depicts a snake devouring its own tail that symbolises eternity, which was in common use at the time. On the drum above the snake is the motto ‘Manners Makyth Man’. The column measures 57 feet 8 inches [17.8m], and is carved with Addison’s hymn to Gratitude with a fourteenth verse added between verses eleven and twelve of the original. The hymn expressed both the gratitude of James Evelyn towards his parents Edward and Julia, with the theme of eternity being reinforced in the symbol of the snake swallowing its own tail. The column shaft ends in a narrow scrolled neck and the entablature block is plain except for the words Soli Deo Gloria [Glory to God alone]. Above the cornice there is a plinth supporting an urn shaped object with spiral flutings bearing the eternal flame.

To enforce his gratitude to his parents, James had a Latin dedication to them carved on the column which reads:
Jacobus Evelyn, Filius Edwardi Evelyn Et Juliae Uxoris Ejus (O! Benignissimi Parentes) Hanc Columnam Hac Terra (Natale Solum) Ponendam Pientissime Gratissimeque Curavit [James Evelyn son of Edward Evelyn and of Julia his wife (O kindest of parents) most piously and gratefully had this column placed on this land (the place of his birth)].

Sadly the monument, now Grade II listed, that once stood in the grounds of Felbridge Place, (in the garden of what is now 78 Copthorne Road), was purchased in 1927 by Sir Stephen Aitchison who had it dismantled and moved to his residence of Lemmington Hall, Alnwick, Northumberland, where it stands to this day, [for further details see Handout, Evelyn Column, SJC 08/99/ii].

Analysis of Edward Evelyn’s Commonplace Book
As previously stated, a large portion of the book deals with the mathematical disciplines of geometry, logarithms, trigonometry and algebra, suggesting that Edward’s original use for the book was to record aspects of his education at Oxford. However, the remaining portion of the book is used to record accounts, some of a military nature detailing payments to his company of foot soldiers or sentinels, the remainder of a personal nature recording income from tenants and his expenditures between 1710 and 1713. There is also a section on military training and a diary of his return journey through Spain and Portugal back to London in 1710. From an analysis of the book it is possible to determine details about Edward’s military life as part of Stanwix’s Regiment in the Peninsula wars in the War of Spanish Succession and the names of the men of his company who fought with him. On a more personal level, Edward’s general accounts records the names of his tenants, and with further research, some of the properties they occupied, as well as his general expenditure, which reveals much about his taste in fashion and lifestyle. Finally, interspersed throughout the book is a collection of prose, quotes and sayings that must have had meaning or significance to Edward which he included in English, French and Latin.

To better understand the life of Edward Evelyn, the following is an analysis of his commonplace place book, divided into two sections, military life and personal life.

Military life
This section will be divided into four sections, political and military background to the Peninsula wars in the War of Spanish Succession that will help to put into context Edward Evelyn’s military involvement, Stanwix’s Regiment, military training, and Edward Evelyn’s journey through Spain and Portugal back to London in 1710.

Political and Military Background to the War of Spanish Succession
The War of Spanish Succession was round two of a struggle, started in 1689, by William of Orange to maintain the balance of power in Europe by restricting the ambitions of Louis XIV of France. As a Catholic king, Louis XIV had embarked upon the destruction of the United Provinces (Holland), the Protestant home country of William of Orange the husband of Mary, daughter of James II. With discontent with the monarchy in England, William of Orange had been requested to remove his Catholic uncle and father-in-law from the English throne. On his arrival James II fled to France and William and Mary were offered joint monarchy in February 1689, William becoming William III. However, in 1690 James and his French troops invaded Ireland and William III led his army against them winning a Protestant victory at the Battle of Boyne in July 1690, thus confirming Protestant supremacy in Ireland. Aligned with these events, the English and Dutch, (together with Allied forces) under the overall command of William III, defeated Louis XIV’s aspirations of the destruction of Holland, culminating in the successful capture of the fortress of Namur in 1695, followed by the Peace of Ryswick in 1697.

In 1700 Charles II of Spain died and his throne and the Spanish possessions in the Low Countries (Belgium), Italy and the Americas passed to the grandson of Louis XIV, Philip of Anjou. Philip’s accession ruled out the other claimant to the Spanish throne, Archduke Charles the son of Emperor Leopold of Hapsburg, whose domains of the Holy Roman Empire included Austria and most of central Europe. Due to the eagerness of Louis XIV to unite the power of Spain with that of France, he provoked the formation of a Grand Alliance between England, Holland and Leopold’s Empire.

William III despatched John Churchill, the Earl of Marlborough along with twelve battalions to Holland with orders to finalise war preparations with the Alliance. Unfortunately, William III died, falling from his horse, in 1702 and the whole diplomatic and military negotiations fell solely upon Marlborough who, for his achievements, was created Duke of Marlborough by Queen Anne when she succeeded William III. In negotiations he proved to be an able diplomat and soon proved his abilities as a general, taking command of the Allied troops where only fourteen of the sixty-five battalions of infantry and nine of the one hundred and sixty squadrons of cavalry were British, as such Marlborough’s army was truly an international force.

The reduced number of British troops available to Marlborough was due to the fact that after the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, parliament demanded that William III’s army be reduced to 7,000 troops for England, 12,000 for Ireland and 4,000 for Scotland, thus cutting the number of battle-hardened troops from 50,000 men to just 23,000. The regiments that remained consisted of 250 cavalry and 450 infantry, made up of five regiments of Household Cavalry, nine regiments of Horse, eight of Dragoons, three of Foot Guards and thirty of Foot. This short-sighted move meant that when Marlborough needed troops in 1702 the existing regiments needed to be doubled and new ones formed. To compound the problem of shortage of English troops, some were already deployed in Ireland to maintain the Protestant supremacy gained in 1690, and, at the same time, parliament took the decision to send a sizable English force to the Spanish Peninsula to co-operate with Dutch and Portuguese troops in support of the Hapsburg claimant, Archduke Charles. Between 1702 and 1712, the British troops under Marlborough in Flanders averaged just short of 22,000, while those in Spain rose from 8,000 in 1704 to 26,000 in 1709. It was as part of this large deployment of troops to Portugal and Spain that Edward Evelyn was involved between 1707 and 1710.

Stanwix’s Regiment
Stanwix’s Regiment was created in 1704 by James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormond who appointed Thomas Stanwix as Lieutenant-Colonel of the new regiment. With a shortage of English troops ‘gentlemen of position or known soldiers’ were authorised to raise regiments, which were then their responsibility to keep up to strength. Fortunately, each winter the regiments moved to winter quarters because of weather conditions giving the colonels an opportunity to send a small party of officers, sergeants and drummers home to tour the country for recruits.

Thomas Stanwix was born about 1670 the son of Thomas and Grace Stanwix of Carlisle in Cumberland. Thomas joined the army being first noted as a Captain-Lieutenant in Colonel Hasting’s foot regiment in 1692 and then as Captain of Colonel Tidcom’s foot regiment in 1693. He consequently fought in Flanders in several regiments and by 1702 had become a Captain in the 6th Dragoon Guards. In March 1702 he was elected MP for Carlisle, serving both the Tory and Whig leadership during his lifetime. In 1705 Stanwix’s military and political activities were joined when he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Carlisle. Between 1705 and 1707 Stanwix’s Regiment was deployed to Ireland before transferring to Northern Portugal in August 1707 as part of the troops supporting the Hapsburg claimant, Archduke Charles.

Thomas Stanwix and his Regiment were part of the battle at le Caya, at Badajoz in Spain in 1709, he was promoted to Brigadier-General in 1710, and in January 1711 he was appointed Governor of Gibraltar, a position he held until July 1713. In 1715, he was named Colonel of one of the new regiments raised to face the Jacobite rebellion in Scotland. Also in 1715 he became Governor of Chelsea Hospital, a position he held until 1720 when he was made Governor of Kingston-upon-Hull. In 1717 he was made Colonel of the 12th Foot and in 1721 he became MP for Newport on the Isle of Wight and in 1722 MP for Yarmouth. Thomas Stanwix died on 14th March 1725 still holding the position of MP for Yarmouth, Colonel of the 12th Foot, Lieutenant-Governor of Carlisle and Governor of Kingston-upon-Hull. He had no children with his wife Susannah and left his estates to his nephew John Roos who took the name Stanwix on inheritance and went on to command the 60th or Royal American Regiment in the American War of Independence.

Stanwix’s Regiment of Foot consisted of 725 men made up of one battalion divided into a headquarters and ten to twelve companies, one of which was a grenadier company the remainder being known as foot soldiers or sentinels. The headquarters had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, adjutant, chaplain, surgeon, surgeon’s mate and quartermaster. Each Company of Foot had a captain and two other officers, except the grenadiers who had a captain and two lieutenants. There were also two sergeants, two or three corporals and one or two drummers per company, which consisted of up to sixty men. It would appear from Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book that he only paid for one lieutenant suggesting that he commanded a company of sentinels and not the grenadiers.

In the early 1700’s soldiering for regimental officers was a trade or business that could end up making a profit or a disastrous loss. A regiment was considered to be the property of the commander-in-chief and could be bought and sold, and for a man of rank it represented his savings and investment. Once on the rungs of the promotional ladder, an officer generally had to pay for every promotion. Soldiers were paid according to a scale ranging from 8d a day for a private or foot soldier to 12/- a day for a colonel. General and staff officers received no standard pay and were provided for by a special parliamentary estimate ranging from £10 a day for the commander-in-chief to £1 10/- for a brigadier. This payment represented only a portion of their earnings as they invariably had a company and regiment in their name for which they also drew pay. Officers also drew extra money for forage and there was a further allowance for their servants.

Pay was divided into two sections, subsistence and arrears for officers or off-reckoning for other ranks. Subsistence was a portion of pay, being paid, in theory, in advance without deductions. Again there was a pay scale for this which was 6d out of 8d for privates and foot soldiers, 8d out of 1/- for corporals and drummers, and 1s out of 1s 6d for sergeants, this payment being made every two months. Arrears or off-reckoning was used for regimental necessities including a deduction for the Chelsea Hospital. Arrears or off-reckoning money was also used to pay for soldiers clothing, any balance left over was eventually paid to the soldier.

Each man in Stanwix’s Regiment would have been entitled to receive a full uniform in the first year and replacement of expendable uniform in the second year as would all the regiments of foot. However, despite regulation clothing it is well documented that this was not always the case and during the Wars of Spanish Succession many soldiers received inadequate uniform. The regulation clothing for a member of regiment of foot included: one well-lined, full bodied cloth coat, one pair of Karsey (coarse woollen cloth) breeches, one pair of good strong shoes, one pair of stockings, two good shirts and neckcloths, and one good strong hat, well laced. In the second year they were entitled to receive the same again except their old coat was expected to become the waistcoat and they only received one shirt and neckcloth instead of two. Each regiment was distinguished by their colours and Stanwix’s colours consisted of a red jacket with yellow facings (cuff and collar) and brass buttons. The regimental badge was sewn to the front of the upright hat for grenadiers’ whist foot soldiers wore a tri-corn hat and their worsted badge and cipher were probably sewn on the back of their jackets. Each soldier carried a tent pole with tent pegs tied to it lashed to their knapsack, although they were ordered to lay them down when they advanced into action.

Edward Evelyn, as an officer of Stanwix’s regiment, would have worn a similar uniform to that of the ordinary soldiers except there would have been an amount of gold and silver lace [decoration] that would have depended upon his personal taste, although it was usual for an officer to swap his coat for a less expensive garment in the field of action, and it was unusual for officers to have their cuffs and coat linings conform to the facing of their men’s coats. An officer may also have worn a sash across his chest with a sword suspended from a belt worn under the waistcoat. Edward Evelyn’s accounts detail that his coat and great coat were made of ‘camlett’ [camlet], a mixture of silk and mohair from angora goats and gets its name from the mistranslation of camel for goat hair. At some point during the 18th century, wool was used instead of mohair but unfortunately it is not possible to determine the fibre mixture of the camlet that Edward Evelyn purchased. The price of camlet ranged from 6d to 4s 6d a yard and Edward Evelyn paid £9 for the fabric to make his coat and great coat, on top of which he paid 15/- to have his coat and breeches made up, and later, a further 7s 6d to have the great coat made up.

Analysis of the military entries in Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book reveals that on 19th August 1707, he and his company, as part of Stanwix Regiment, were in Cabesa de Vide [possibly Castelo de Vide in Portugal]. The following are the payments made by Edward Evelyn from the first set of accounts in his commonplace book:
£ s d
Aug 19th – Cabesa de Vide
Bought an ass 1 0 0
Paid my company 3 0 0
Paid Mr Pendergrass from July 22 to Ast 23 16 9 0
Paid my washerwoman 0 12 0
For bleeding 2 mules 0 1 0
Given 0 1 6
Paid my mans board wages 0 3 0
Paid my Corporall 0 1 6
Paid my company 1 0 6
Paid for wine 0 12 0
Paid one weeks subsistence 0 15 0
Given 0 9 0
Bought Camlett for coat & great coat 9 0 0
Bought tea Teapot & dishes 3 0 0
To Oreson 0 3 0
To a farrier 0 9 0
To a Borrachio 0 9 0
To glasses 1 1 0
For making coatt & breeches 0 15 0
For a pair of stockings 0 6 0
For 5 gall. Brandy 1 17 6
For 1 gallon brandy 0 8 0
For odd things 0 14 0
Paid my company to Sep 7th 4 5 0
Paid my man 0 6 0
Paid my company to Sep 8th 3 15 10½
Paid my Serjeant 0 6 0
Paid for washing 0 4 6
Paid for sugar & nuttmeggs 0 8 7½
To Sep 8th 51 12 2
More for Neckcloth 3 12 0
55 4 2

From this account we can see that Edward Evelyn made payments amounting to £12 1s 4½d to his company, as well as making payments to a corporal and a sergeant. He also made payment of 3/- for his ‘man’s board [and] wage’ suggesting that he had taken at least one servant on campaign with him, being later joined by a ‘baggage man’. It is also evident that Edward Evelyn required a few home luxuries including wine, brandy, sugar and nutmegs, along with glasses, presumably in which to drink said beverages, and a teapot and dishes for the consumption of Bohea tea (Chinese black tea), which appears in several later accounts showing him paying between 6s 6d to 10/- a quarter pound (110g).

The next few entries in Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book confirm that many of his company had been withdrawn from Ireland to help the Allied cause in Portugal and Spain. An entry on 16th September 1707, records that Captain Edward Evelyn paid Archbald [Archibald] Cash the ‘odd groats’ (a groat being a 4d piece) due to him in Ireland from ‘ye 12th December to ye 28th April’ and his six weeks pay due to him at sea for which he received 19/- in full of all his demands to the day he landed in Lisbon. Archibald Cash later appears as a sergeant in the company. Other men who had been re-deployed from Ireland and were being paid their ‘odd groats’ and six weeks pay at sea, appear in an account dated 20th September 1707:
£ s d
Humphrey Collin, Drummer 0 5 2
James Cox, Drummer 0 5 2
Michael Cresor 0 6 5
Morgan Davis 0 6 5
Richard Grimes 0 1 6
William Kitchin 0 5 3
Edward Lea 0 2 9
John Perrin 0 6 5
Corporal Petterfer 0 19 4
Joseph Silsey 0 2 0
John Smedly 0 5 3
Richard Smith 0 3 9
Thomas Thompson 0 6 5
William Wood 0 6 8

This list reveals that only Corporal Petterfer could sign his name, the remainder of the men making their mark as proof of receipt. It also reveals that Evelyn’s Company in 1707 had two drummers, James Cox and Humphrey Collins. Having made searches of these and future names of Evelyn’s Company, it is evident that the men were drawn from all parts of Britain.

A second general military account, dated from September 8th to September 15th 1707 records Edward Evelyn paying for his shoes to be mended at a cost of 3/-, as well as having his horse shod at a cost of 4s 6d, he also paid 1s 6d for a scabbard for his sword. These general military accounts imply that Edward Evelyn was making ready to leave Cabaso de Vide, which is confirmed by an entry in the commonplace book dated September 23rd which states, ‘Paid Capt. Vachell for 1 corp 1 serjeant & 14 sentinels left sick at Cabaso de Vide – £10 16s 9d’. An undated memorandum records:

Left at Cabaso de Vide
13 pair of shoes with ye 3 dead men
22 shirts
11 pair of stockings
22 neckcloths
1 drum case. Sticks
7 musquets [muskets]
4 whole mountings delivered att Adla Galega [Aldeia Gallega, Portugal, now known as Montijo] by Coll. Stanwixs order
Tents left 2 & poles

By 1st October 1707 the Evelyn Company were at Monte Serras [Serra de Monte, Portugal], by 13th October they had moved to Villa Vihosa [Villa Viçosa, Portugal] and by 1st November 1707 they were at Avis, a municipality of Portugal in the Portalegre district. Accounts kept by Edward Evelyn between 23rd September and 1st November 1707 record the usual entries for such things as payments to his company and subsistence, along with washing, brandy and wine and for his ‘man and baggage man’. Other payments include corn for his horses, the purchase of a mule from Colonel Stanwix for £8 5/-, part payment of £1 14/- to Captain Kerby for another mule and £1 16/- for half a mule to Corporal Cayley, as well as ‘meat’ for his mule and straw. On a personal hygiene point of view Edward Evelyn paid 10/- for shaving, 4s 6d for ‘doing up wiggs’ and £2 10/- for three shirts. From a pastime point of view he paid 1s 6d for a box and dice, and 1s 6d for powder and shot which would have been for his pistol. There is also a list of what appears to have been an inventory of some personal belongings that was written on 7th November 1707, which includes:

Fine shirts markt with an E in ye neck 9
Shirt lact [laced] in ye necks and hands 3
Fine old shirts 2
Coarse shirts 6
Neckcloths markt with W 7
Old neckcloths 17
Tablecloths 2
Napkins 6
Nightcaps 8
Handkerchiefs 8
A pr of black silk stock [stockings] 2
Of coloured stockings 4
Of leather 2
Of Worsted 3
Thread stockings 7
Towels 5

The entries in Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book made in Avis in November 1707 were the last entries made until 27th August 1708. It is known that during the winter months campaigning was suspended and the regiments withdrew to their winter quarters but this action would not account for the lack of entries for the nine months between November 1707 and August 1708. One possible reason for the lack of entries is that 1708 saw a general stalemate in the War following the Battle of Almanza in April 1707 when the Franco-Spanish army of some 25,400 defeated an Anglo-Portuguese army led by the Earl of Galway, of just 15,000. Edward Evelyn makes comment of this battle in his commonplace book written in 1710 on his journey through Spain (covered in greater detail below). It has not yet been established whether Edward Evelyn and his Company had any involvement in this battle but he writes;
Ld Galaway [Lord Galway] has made her [the Church of Nuestra Señora de Atocha] famous by ye battell of Almanza where are now hanging up there upwards of 160 colours besides standards. Monuments of our disgrace or rather his rashness, for ye foot behaved very bravely trecking though ye enemies line and drove yon [illegible] ye [illegible] Town of Almanza till they were deserted by ye Portogue horse [cavalry] as usual.
Official figures record that the Allied forces suffered 4,000 dead and wounded, with 3,000 taken prisoner.

The entry of 27th August 1708 reads: ‘We whose names are here underwritten doe acknowledge to have accounted with Capt Evelyn for our arrears & to have receiv’d the same from the day of our landing in Lisbon to the 23 August following 1708’. We can assume that the twenty-two names were the men of Evelyn’s Company and include:

Oliver Bailes
James Baker
Robert Briggs
Humphrey Collins, Drummer
William Crowshaw, Sergeant
Morgan Davis, Corporal
Luke Hand, Corporal
Robert George
John Halloway
Edward Hare
Martin Long
Morris Pain
Piter Paulus
John Perrin
James Plowman
Anthony Potts
John Price
Joshua Smedlo
Edward Smith
Thomas Thompson
John Williams
Sam Wood

Of these men only four signed their names, Sergeant William Crowshaw, Corporal Luke Hand, Martin Long and Piter Paulus, the remainder making their mark. Comparing this list of men with the list of September 1707 only four of the original names appear, Humphrey Collins, Morgan Davis, John Perrin and Thomas Thompson. By 1708, Morgan Davis had risen to the rank of sergeant but the remaining three had retained their original ranks.

Three days later a second list of men was recorded stating, ‘we whose names are here underwritten doe reckon to have accounted with Capt. Evelyn for our amounts due from the day of landing at Lisbon till 23rd August 1708’. However, this list only records eighteen of the previous twenty-two men, omitting Martin Long, Piter Paulus, John Price or John Williams. At present, no reason can be made for the omission of the four names especially as Piter Paulus and Martin Long both appear in the company list for payment of arrears owed from 23rd August 1708 and appear on a third list dated 29th March 1709.

No dated accounts are recorded for the period between 30th August 1708 and 29th March 1709 when the third list of Evelyn’s Company was produced in Redanda [Redundo, Portugal]. It is possible that the stalemate in the Wars of Spanish Succession of 1708, coupled with the return to winter quarters, could have meant that Evelyn’s Company, along with Stanwix’s Regiment, did not see any action during this six-month period. However, events had not stood still and in January 1709 the Pope recognised the second contender, Archduke Charles of Hapsburg, as King Charles III of Spain. This was followed in April in 1709 with the Battle of Val Guadiana, Portugal, when the Franco-Spanish army again defeated the Anglo-Portuguese. In May 1709 the Anglo-Portuguese army suffered yet another defeat at Gaia or le Caya, Badajoz in the Extremadura region of Spain and it is known that Stanwix’s Regiment fought in this battle and as such, the entry made in the commonplace book dated 29th March 1709, records the names of the men who fought in the Evelyn Company:

Darby Bryon
Archibald Cash, Sergeant
Humphrey Collins
William Copeland
William Crowshaw, Sgt
Morgan Davis, Corporal
James Frederick
Robert Georges
John Hallaway
Luke Hand,
Edward Hare
William Hopes
Martin Long
Piter Paulus
James Plowman
Anthony Potts
William Price, Drummer
Joshua Smedlo
Edward Smith
William Smith
John Snook
Robert Stoker
Thomas Thompson
John Watering
Sam Wood
William [ilegible]

Of these twenty-six men, ten men signed their own name, Sergeant Archibald Cash, William Copeland, Sergeant William Crowshaw, John Hallaway, Corporal Luke Hand, Martin Long, Piter Paulus, William Smith, Robert Stoker and Sam Wood. Comparing this list with the Company lists of 1707 and 1708 there are only four men who were part of the 1707 Company, Sergeant Archibald Cash, Humphrey Collins, Corporal Morgan Davis, and Thomas Thompson. The remainder of the men had served only from 1708 except for Darby Byron, William Copeland, James Frederick, William Hopes, William Price, John Snook, Robert Stoker and (although the surname is illegible there have been no other Williams’) William [illegible], who first appear in 1709. Unfortunately, it is not known how many of the Company survived the Battle of le Caya, except William Crowshaw, Robert George and Thomas Thompson who appear later in the commonplace book, having risen to the ranks of lieutenant, corporal and lieutenant respectively.

On 7th May 1709 the Anglo-Portuguese army under the command of the Marquis de Frontera were situated at the side of le Caya to the west of Badajoz in Spain (bordering Portugal), with the army of the Philip V (formerly Philip of Anjou) commanded by the Marquis de Bay, on the other. De Bay ordered the whole of his cavalry toward Fort St Christopher near Badajoz. The Portuguese, in response, sent a detachment of foot soldiers and artillery and the whole of their cavalry across the river and began to bombard the enemy. De Bay then advanced with his cavalry and attacked the right wing of the Portuguese cavalry, who fled. However, their foot soldiers repulsed three successive charges with ‘great order and resolution’. Brigadier Pearce’s British brigade then attacked giving the Portuguese infantry time to retire behind the river, however, Pearce’s brigade was surrounded by the enemy and three regiments had to surrender.

It is known that Stanwix’s Regiment was part of the Battle of le Caya, although Edward Evelyn makes no direct reference to it in his commonplace book, except one comment written in 1710 on his journey through Spain (covered in greater detail below). The comment refers to the Marquis de Bay and reads,
Here by ye great incibility of Ld Killmalloch I lost a fine horse [to] ye Marquis de Bay taking him from me purely by malice for which I live [and] I hope to reward him ........ a mean spirited villain.
Although Edward Evelyn was not involved in the following battle, he may have gained some satisfaction with the outcome of the Battle of Zaragoza in August 1710 when James Earl Stanhope defeated the 20,000 strong Franco-Spanish army of the Marquis de Bay, taking 5,000 prisoners and thirty-six guns.

From a later entry in the commonplace book Edward Evelyn makes reference to the fact the he was taken prisoner in the summer of 1709 and held for three months at Talavera de le Reina in Spain, which was as a direct response to the Battle of le Caya in which Stanwix’s Regiment was one of the three regiments to surrender. Also, from an entry made in April 1710, it would appear that Edward Evelyn had been moved from Talavera de le Reina to Santo Domingo in Northern Spain as he refers to himself as having been a prisoner for eleven months on his journey through Spain back to England in 1710 (covered in greater detail below).

Military training & warfare
In the early 18th century it was usual to send raw recruits to their regiments where they were expected to learn their trade as best they could. The training would take the form of learning ‘the postures’ for their weapon so that they handled it correctly. Then they would learn a series of evolutions which were the moves between each posture, these were complex with a musketeer expected to master up to 44 evolutions. He would then move on to the platoon exercises which related to the marching and manoeuvring of the platoon.

Edward Evelyn writes a memo to himself in his commonplace book:-
The first thing the men are to learn is the plain exercise of the musquett without the bayonett then their facings & wheelings and after thatt ye rest as time offers before they come to the General Rendezvous.

The exercise of the firelock with bayonet is detailed a few pages later as a series of 46 actions each with a number of drum beats within which to complete them. All of the training was intended to ensure that the whole battalion were synchronised during battle, the commands were given both verbally and by the beating of a drum to various patterns. The use of the drum was to overcome the battle noise which usually prevented clear understanding of any verbal commands. There were published manuals of drills and exercises but it was frequent for each regiment to have its own version and this is likely to be the case with Stanwix’ regiment as Edward Evelyn has written out in his commonplace book ‘A copy of the exercise for Coll Stanwixs regiment’.

Upon the battlefield the companies of the battalion would be drawn up in a line with the grenadier companies at the flanks. The whole battalion would be approximately 270 yards (249m) wide and three men deep, the colonel would be at the centre front, each company has one of its officers and sergeants within the ranks to supervise the fire whilst the drums, colour party and remainder of the officers were at the rear.

Within the battalion there are normally three firings, on the order, the first firing would make ready to fire, the front rank would kneel and the remaining two ranks would close up towards the front so that the musket barrel of the third rank was clear of the soldier in front. On the command the platoons of the first firing would present and fire aiming at the stomach of the enemy. Immediately after the first firing the platoons concerned would march to the rear and start to reload, whilst the second and third firings took up the firing. A well trained battalion could get off two sets of three firings in a minute using flintlock muskets but only half this rate using matchlocks. The third firing was normally accompanied by the grenadiers on the flanks wheeling slightly inwards to concentrate their fire and the two central platoons concentrating their fire at the centre of the enemy line in the hope of disabling their commanders. Evelyn’s drawing might imply that Stanwix’s battalion is drawn up two platoons deep and that the grenadiers are used in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd firing, his firing instructions only include up to a fourth firing and thus the higher numbers in the diagram must relate to an undocumented firing instruction.

Evelyn’s notes show the complexity of organising the men to ensure that they are all synchronised and do not become disordered. A single section of his explanation is:-
The ranks only being closd and all things prepard for firing the officers of each platoon is to take care when the first of the first firing presents, ye third of the first firing makes ready, so through ye whole firings by platoons, either by three ranks or by two ranks, unless the grenadiers and centre platoon, which are to make ready together, ye grenadiers of ye right fire first, & then ye left, and the last is ye centre; Tis not only ye third of ye first must make ready, when the first presents, butt all platoons on ye right of ye centre of all firings when the right hand platoon presents, ye left hand platoon of the same firing makes ready, and those on ye left of ye centre when ye left hand platoon presents, the right makes ready of the same firing.

Now we will suppose ye officers are told how to fire, Have a care ye platoons of ye first firing to goe on as you were told when ye first preparative bats; beat drum. Now we will suppose ye first firing is over.

The second and third firings are done after the same manner, butt ye granadeers make an half wheel to ye right and left inward with their arms well recoverd, and at ye word Halt, they kneel stoop, and stand. And when they have fired they wheel backward into their former ground.

Have a care ye whole Battalion to march forward & att ye same time the drum beats a march till ye commanding officer gives ye word Halt; Have a care Platoons of ye first firing to goe on when ye preparative beats, beat drum. Now we will suppose ye first firing is over.

A contemporary description of a fire fight is provided by Captain Robert Parker from the battle of Malplaquet (1709):
We continued marching slowly on, till we came to an opening in the wood. It was a small plain, on the opposite side of which we perceived a battalion of the enemy drawn up, a skirt of the wood being in the rear of them. Upon this Colonel Kane, who was then at the head of the Regiment, having drawn us up, and formed our platoons, advanced gently toward them, with the six platoons of our first fire made ready. When we had advanced within a hundred paces of them, they gave us a fire of one of their ranks; whereupon we halted, and returned them the fire of our six platoons at once; and immediately made ready the six platoons of our second fire, and advanced upon them again. They then gave us the fire of another rank, and we returned them a second fire, which made them shrink; however they gave us the fire of a third rank after a scattering manner, and then retired into the wood in great disorder: on which we sent our third fire after them, and saw them no more. We advanced cautiously up to the ground they had quitted, ... we had but four men killed, and six wounded: and found near forty of them on the spot killed and wounded.
This description demonstrates the poor range of the musket in use at that time having a maximum effective range of 100 yards (92m), and crude accuracy over 60 yards (55m) being considered exceptional, here a total of 600 English shots at 100 paces resulted in only 40 French men killed or wounded.

Preparing and firing the musket was in itself a complex operation. The tasks are extracted here from an exercise in the commonplace book with the drum beats to the right indicating the relative time allowed for each task.

Half cock your firelocks 1 2 3 4
Blow your panns 1 2
Handle your primers 1 2 3
Prime 1 2
Shutt your panns 1 2 3 4
Cast about to charge 1 2
Handle your cartridge 1 2 3
Open your cartridge 1 2
Charge with cartridge 1 2
Draw forth your rammers 1 2 3 4
Hold them up 1
Shorten them against your breast 1 2
Putt them in ye barrell 1 2 3 4 5 6
Ram down your charge 1 2
Recover your rammers 1 2 3
Hold them up 1
Shorten them against your breasts 1 2
Return your rammers 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Your right hand under your locks 1
Payz your firelocks 1
Join your left hand to your firelock 1
Cock your firelock 1 2
Present 1
Fire 1
Recover your arms 1

The cartridge was a pre-packaged powder and ball wrapped in greased paper. The musketeer bit the end off the cartridge when loading, retaining the ball in his mouth, and tipped the powder into the muzzle. He then spat the ball after the powder and folded the paper to act as a wad, before ramming down with a wooden shafted rammer. The British musket fired one-ounce (27g) balls and was by this date moving over to the more reliable flintlocks from the earlier matchlock. The match was flax or hemp cord soaked in potassium nitrate and then dried out to produce a slow match which burnt at about 1inch (25mm) in fifteen minutes. The trigger of the musket pushed the glowing match into the primed pan to light the charge within the barrel. The flintlock (also known as a firelock) used a flint mounted in the hammer which it struck against the steel of the pan to create a spark and light the priming powder. The butt of the musket was often tucked under the armpit to avoid the exceptionally heavy kick from the discharge which did not help the weapons accuracy nor did the frequent flashbacks through the touch-hole which discouraged placing your eye close to the barrel to take aim. From Evelyn’s exercise drill it can be determined that the regiment is armed with flintlocks.

Defence manoeuvres against the cavalry included the formation of a hollow square with the colours drums and hautboys in the centre. Hautboys were a reeded wind instrument used in conjunction with the drums to provide commands to the battalion. The battalion would be divided into four divisions. The grenadiers would be outside the square for their firing and then march into the square to prepare for the next firing. Evelyn’s detail of the manoeuvre to form the hollow square is:
Before ye Hollow Square is formed there are directions beneath for ye officers which firing they belong to.

To form the Hollow Square
Divide ye Battalion into 4 divisions, ye right division faces to ye left on ye left heel, and ye other 3 divisions face on ye left heel to ye right about. Ye 2d division on ye right, wheels to ye right & ye 2d division on ye left marches directly forward till they come square with ye other division and ye left hand division wheels to ye left, and ye right hand division marches directly forward and makes up ye square, and ye granadeers on ye right are to be divided into 2 platoons, and also ye granadeers on ye left; the right hand platoon of granadeers on ye right faces on ye left heel to ye left and marches to ye first angle, ye left hand platoon on ye right of ye Battalion faces to ye left about & marches to ye 3d angle, the right hand platoon on ye left of ye battalion faces to ye right about and marches to ye 2d angle; the left hand platoon, on ye left of ye battalion faces to ye right, and marches to ye 4th angle.
Now we will suppose they are all told.
Form ye hollow square, march and when ye word is given face square, that which was ye 2d division on ye right faces to ye left about, and ye division which was ye 2d division which was on ye left of ye battalion faces to ye left about.
And the division that was on ye right faces to ye right. Face square Now we will suppose ye hollow square is made which you will see by example on ye other side with directions how to fire. Note ye colours. Hautboys and drums are to be in ye square.

Battlefield warfare at this time was not generally about the elimination of the enemy and in most cases one side of each skirmish would surrender when losses became significant. Prisoners were unwelcome as they hindered the successful army and almost the sole justification for taking them was to have something to exchange for your own captured men after the battle. Captured officers were treated honourably whilst the large numbers of lower ranks were often herded and maltreated. Feeding of the prisoners was still the responsibility of their own government and during the war the lack of finances led the prisoners to be the first to go short. It was also common to delay the exchange of large numbers prisoners to prevent them taking part in a forthcoming battle as well as marching them considerable distances for detention in allied countries. Officers were often given Parole where they were released based upon their promise to adhere to a set of rules.

Journey through Spain and Portugal, 1710
The following entries from the commonplace book are in the form of a diary kept by Edward Evelyn on a journey from Santo Domingo de la Calzada in the Rioja region of Northern Spain to Portugal via Madrid on route to England in the spring of 1710. A possible reason for the journey may have been his release under Parole from imprisonment at Santo Domingo after surrendering at the Battle of le Caya the previous year, and the journey was not a military manoeuvre as he has time to sightsee on route. What is remarkable is that the route of his journey can still be followed to this day due to the details that he recorded.

Madrid
1710 – March 14th
I left St Domingo [Santo Domingo] and came to Burgos and from thence hither in 5 days

Invitus invitium relequi
There are two possible meanings for this quote, and in the context of the situation, ‘Her’ probably refers to Spain. It could mean Against my will I left her against her will, or it may mean Against my will I left her unconquered, both versions of the quote equally reflect the situation that Edward Evelyn found himself in at that time.

From St Domingo [Santo Domingo] to Burgos 13 leagues [39 miles]
to Lerma 07 leagues [21 miles]
to Aranda Duro [Aranda de Duero] 08 leagues [24 miles]
to Porguillias [Boceguillas] 07 leagues [21 miles]
to Bon Traga [Buitrago del Lozoya] 07 leagues [21 miles]
to Madrid 13 leagues [39 miles]
55 leagues [165 miles]
[Margin Note] St Augustin un margarita
This may be an aide memoir to a visit to the Monasterio de la Encarnación (Monastery of the Incarnation) home to an Augustine order of nuns in Madrid, which had been built on the directive of Empress Margarita of Austria in 1611.

In Madrid I saw nothing remarkable but ye church of nostra Seriora de Atocha [Nuestra Señora de Atocha] where was some good paintings by Jordanns. It is ye Kings private chappell. She is lookt on as protectress of Spain and where are made all publick thanksgivings for Victories by land and sea and for all other successes.

It is this church that Lord Galway, had, in the opinion of Edward Evelyn, made famous by the Battle of Almanza and in which were hung the captured colours and standards of the Allied forces.

March 27th
I went to ye Escariall [El Escorial] a monastery dedicated to St Laurentius [St Lawrence – San Lorenzo] of about 180 monks. A building [known] each for its largeness beautyfulness and magnificence one of ye most celebrated in ye world ye famous burial place of ye Kings and Queens of Spain yt [that] have had children. Ye staircase is very fine and ye painting good by a modern hand. Jordanns ye best in his battle piece some of ye rest seems not to have been finnish.

But in ye Chappell and ye cellar Royale is a collection inestible by ye greatest masters in ye world as by Rubens, Titian, Tinlore, Greecus Dominicus a great many of which pieces were carried out of England in ye time of ye late troubles.

It is impossible to tell which is worthy of observation among ye rest in ye library is a loadstone of about 2 hands in compass which will frow a nuget of iron of 2 pound. they shew likewise an old coin which they pretend to be one of ye 20 pieces for which Judas sold our saviour tis a Roman aurius. ye Gardens are not so fine and its situation not good being under and amongst vast craggy mountains
Very fit place for ye monuments of ye dead for it looks as if it was deserted by ye living and staid there 2 days.

March 29th
I came [to] Knoll Carnero [Navalcarnero] a village about 5 leagues from Madrid where I parted with my friend ye old Philosapher who favoured me his company to this place.

April 3rd
I came to Televera dell Alyna [Talavera de la Reina] where I had been imprisoned last summer for about 3 months one of ye most unhealthy places in New Castille.

April 5th
I arrived att Badajoy [Badajoz] a [illegible] Town in Extramadura but indifferently strong.

It was here that Edward Evelyn’s fine horse was taken by the Marquis de Bay the previous year.

April 6th
I came to Borba in Portugal in Alanlaju where I was very welcome and kindly received by Brigadier Stanwix after having been 11 months prisoner.

April 11th
I came to Aldea Galega [Aldeia Gallega] from thence to Lisbon after having been absent from thence almost 3 years.

April 25th
Went on board ye Mercury Pacquett boat. Capt. Green Commander.

May ye 1st
I arrived att Falmouth.

May ye 7th
To London, having been absent almost 4 years.

Laus sitt Deo [Praise be to God]

The arrival of Edward Evelyn in England in 1710 drew a line under his foreign campaigns and the remainder of the commonplace book appears to have been compiled in England. With regards to the Peninsula wars and the War of Spanish Succession in general, after the Battle of le Caya James Earl Stanhope advanced on Madrid and defeated the Spanish force under the Marquis de Villaderias at the Battle of Almenara in July 1710, as well as the Franco-Spanish force in the Battle of Lerida in August 1710. At some time during the summer of 1710, the Portuguese army advancing on Madrid retreated back to Portugal. This was followed by the Battle of Zaragoza where Stanhope defeated the Franco-Spanish force under the Marquis de Bay. However in December 1710, the Duke of Vendome ambushed Stanhope’s rearguard at Brihuega on the road from Madrid to Barcelona and the entire force was either killed or taken prisoner.

In 1711 Archduke Charles left Spain to become the Emperor Charles VI, removing one of the contenders to the Spanish throne. The war, however, continued until 1714 when Philip V (formerly Philip of Anjou) was recognised as King of Spain on the condition that the French and Spanish crowns would remain separate.

Edward Evelyn’s return to England
On return to England in May 1710, Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book records some military transactions like:

May 29th 1710 London
Memd. I received of Lady Dormer at Chelsea a bill of thirty pounds Drawn on her by Ld Ford of Brig Stanwix regiment of which sum and is to be paid to Capt Wilson agent of ye Ld Barrimores Regiment for ye use of Lt Floyd of ye same regiment ye rest to remain in my hands for ye use of Capt England till Cald[called] for. being likewise indebted to him twenty eight pounds which he lent me att St Domingo in Spain and or which he has my note payable to him or bearer indebted to Ld Barrimore seaven pd 20 September at ye Coro tree

June 6th
Pd Capt Wilson agent to ye Ld Barrimores regiment by his order for Lt Ford of ye money I received of Ld Dormer for ye use of Lt Floyd of Ld Barrimores regiment fourteen pounds.

There is evidence that Edward Evelyn was still retained by the military as the accounts record that he was regularly made subsistence payments by a number of military agents including, Mr Gough, Philpott and Morgan of Mr How’s office. He also was in correspondence with Sydenham ‘clark in ye secretary office of wars’. There is also evidence that by April 1711 Edward Evelyn had risen to the rank of Major as one entry records that he received £53 11/- as Captain to the 14th March and as Captain and Major from 14th March to 23rd April 1711, along with subsistence to the value of £34 10/- from 23rd April to 22nd June 1711. There are also frequent references to various military personnel including such names as, Corporal Robert Georges, Corporal Robin George, Lieutenant Prendregrass, Captain Apsley [Edward’s brother-in-law], Captain Caley, Captain Colt, Captain Hart, Captain Malone, Captain Pennington, Captain Perkins, Captain Revesby, Captain Tilbary, Captain Walker, ‘my good friend Major Duncomb’, Colonel Keating, Major Purcell and Colonel West.

There are also two undated memorandums relating the military personnel, although from their content they were written after his arrival back in England. The first memorandum states that Edward Evelyn had paid Mr Messmen ‘ye twenty moyders’ sent over by Captain Johnson. The second states that Mr Whitton the agent had protested Lt Purcell’s ‘Bill of eight pds [pounds]’ payable to Captain England or the bearer.

An important military assignment for Edward Evelyn was that he received the order to disband Stanwix’s Regiment, writing:

Pursuant to her Majesties instructions dated July 29th 1712 sighnd Wyndham. I disbanded Brigadr Stanwix regiment att Taunton Dean in Somersettshire Augst ye 8th having received £895-7s-0d for that purpose from Lt Coll John West to clear their quarters and their off recknings, for which I have ye respective receits of ye non commissioned officers, and ye Majors of ye corporation his receits, that ye quarters and debts from ye said regiment were duly paid and [illegible].

Memd
I likewise pd to each non commissioned officer a fortnights pay beyond ye 7th of Augst and to each Corporall, and Drummer 3s for their swords, being her Majesties bounty money and gave papers to their respective homes.

However, the vast majority of the entries in the commonplace book after Edward Evelyn’s return to England record his income and expenditure, generally kept on his behalf by Joseph Fortescue esquire. These entries give a fascinating insight into the life of a gentleman during the first decades of the 18th century.

Personal life
The first entry after Edward Evelyn’s return to England is a list of his tenants paying their tithes and rentals from 13th November 1706 to 11th May 1710, the duration of his absence:
£ s d
Thomas Skinner 243 15 0
John Waterer 158 10 0
Thomas Gunner 91 9 11
John Ashby 24 0 0
John Baukum 56 14 0
John Stenning 9 10 0
William Stenning 24 0 0
John Stenning 12 0 0
Edward Harman 3 0 0
Joseph Wright & Widow Porgan 4 10 0
Thomas Bonwick & Joseph Jupp 12 0 0
John Hollands 2 13 0
William Bysh 2 10 0
Stephen Bassett 0 10 0
John Hollands 11 0 0
William Bysh 1 7 0
Stephen Bassett 4 4 0
Thomas Gunner 24 0 0
Widow Brown 4 0 0
Warnam 1 12 0
Norman 1 0 0
William Woodstock 4 0 0
Thomas Huggett 2 0 0
Widow Mason 4 0 0
William Huggett 18 0 0
Benjamin Cheyl 6 12 0
John Cresey 32 0 0
Michael Burgess 20 0 0
John Ball 2 10 0
The overseers of the poor 2 0 0
Finnis 1 12 0
735 6 11

From May 1710 onwards, Edward Evelyn received his tithe and rental payments every four months, along with his subsistence from the military and half pay as Major from ‘Mr Hows office’, the last of these entries being September 1713. However, by far the most entries are for his accounts of his day to day living and purchases, staff payments and settling of debts, and may not even be the complete picture as there is no way of knowing if all his income and expenditure is accounted for in the commonplace book . Between May 1710 and September 1713 Edward Evelyn paid out about £2400, compared to incomings of about £3250. Regular expenditure included, his landlady, who is rarely named although Mrs Bellenjay and Mrs Lylly occasionally appear with ‘paid lodgins in full’ against their entries; a washer woman who is never named; ‘my man’ and servants occasionally named as John Hinchecock, Robin and Beck, the latter becoming ‘my wife’s maid’; a chairman who is never named, and Ned ‘the coachman’.

Lodgings, on average cost between £1 and £1 1/- a week, less than a pair of silver buckles or four pairs of shoes at the time. The services of the washerwoman were required roughly on a monthly basis for which she was paid £1 1s 6d, whereas the chairman earned £1 1s 6d weekly. Edward Evelyn’s servants earned between 5/- and 6/- per week, the same as two handkerchiefs, one pair of shoes or a whip at the time, although on occasions he paid their ‘bill, board and lodgings’. As for Ned, he earned £5 5/- but unfortunately the accounts do not state the period of time in which he earned it.

In 1713, one account records payment in full to three of his brothers/brother-in-laws, George and William Evelyn and Captain Apsley, although no further details are recorded. Edward also pays several military personnel in the same account including Lieutenant Prendregrass, Captain Colt, Captain Malone, Captain Perkins and Colonel West, again with no further detail except that they were all paid ‘in full’. From the accounts we can see that Edward Evelyn replaced his horse, at a cost of £10 15/-, as well as tack/equipment almost as soon as he returned to England, presumably to replace the one taken by the Marquis de Bay in Spain.

However, by and far the bulk of the entries in the accounts are for Edward Evelyn’s requirements including attire, finery, tea, repairs, and gifts, and reveal the names of the people he dealt with and the services they provided, including:

Mr Bull – woollen draper
Mrs Pinkney – seamstress
Mr Norton – tailor
Mr Halsey – linen draper
Mr Selden – linen draper
Mr Lilly – dealt in muslin
Mr Robinson – dealt in lace, trimmings and wigs
Mr Connell – periwig maker
Duvilles – wig makers
Thomas Hussey – dealt in hats
Mr Wilson – dealt in hats
Mr William West – silk gowns
Mr Morris – dealt in stockings
Mr Street – hosier
Mrs Briscoe – dealt in handkerchiefs, particularly Indian
Mr How – upholsterer
Charles Masters – dealt in silver and gold, and repaired pistols
Mr Moody – sword cutler
Mr Jones – saddler
Minchers – cutlery
Mr Elliott – tea

Analysis of the accounts made between May 1710 and September 1713 reveals the following expenditure:

£248 14s 3d on fabric, tailoring and his garments
£123 6s 6d on horses and equipment
£73 19s 6d on wigs
£66 2/- on legal expenses
£39 4s 1d on finishing touches and clothing adornment
£35 7s 6d on tea
£35 11/- on his lady
£31 6/- on stockings
£23 2/- on household items
£17 16s 6d on boots and shoes
£14 13s 6d on hats
£14 10s 4d on sundry items
£4 2/- on the barber
£2 5/- on handkerchiefs

£2 2/- on gloves

As one would expect most of the entries are male orientated but Edward Evelyn does include some entries for ‘his lady’:
£ s d
Pd. for a brilliant & its setting 0 10 0
Pd. Mr Will West for a silk gown 6 0 0
Pd. for 2 fanns 1 2 0
Pd. for my wife’s gold watch 21 10 0
Pd. for my wife’s ring 6 9 0
35 11 0

Likewise there are few entries relating to household items:
£ s d
Pd. Mr Skelton for 29 yds for 2 pairs sheets 3 0 0
Pd. for 3 flasks of wine 0 13 0
Pd. for 2 brushes 0 1 0
Pd. Coll West for a bedsted, 2 valeses 8 0 0
Pd. for a feild [filled?] bed 8 5 0
Pd. for ½ doz teacups & dishes 1 1 6
Pd. for 6 cups & saucers 1 1 6
22 2 0

However, the majority of the entries are for Edward’s personal use such as £1 1s 6d for his fencing master, £3 15s 3d for a cane, £1 10/- to Mr Masters for repairing his pistols as well as £1 16/- for a black belt with a silver buckle, £1 8/- for a pair of buckles, 1s 10d for a pair of mourning buckles (blackened or iron buckles) and £16 2s 6d for a gold snuff box. Edward also purchased a sword and belt for £3 8/-, a mourning sword (a sword that generally had blackened fittings) for 8/- and a scabbard, which together with mounting his sword, cost 5s 6d.

During the three-year and four month period between 1710 and 1713, Edward bought or had made:
33 pairs of shoes, 3 pairs of boots and 3 pairs of slippers, (one pair in blue), the average price of a pair of shoes being between 5/- and 6/-, boots at 18/- and slippers at 6/-, the same as for shoes.
32 pairs of stockings (at least), of which 4 pairs were listed as black silk, 13 as thread stockings, 1 pair as scarlet stockings, 3 pairs as silk, 1 pair as worsted and the remainder as just stockings.
9 hats, ranging from 8/- to £7 1s 6d.
13 wigs ranging from £5 10/- for a periwig to £12 for a full bottom wig. A periwig was fashionable in the 17th and 18th century and was false hair covering the whole of the head, which was generally shaven, representing natural hair and deriving its name from the French peruke. A full bottom wig was heavier and similar to that worn today by judges.
27 pairs of gloves at 1s 6d a pair.
15 handkerchiefs, 13 costing 2s 6d each, and 2 Indian handkerchiefs (possibly cotton) costing 4/- each.

It is possible that some of the shoes and slippers may have been for his lady, along with some of the numerous pairs of stockings. However, it is worth remembering that regulation uniform for the sentinels of Edward Evelyn’s Company consisted of two pairs of stockings in the first year and one in the second, as such Edward’s expenditure on stockings would have clothed just short of eleven men for two years!

Edward also spent £4 2/- at the barbers and £66 2/- on legal expenses including a license purchased in 1713 that may have been his marriage licence as he married Julia Butler in that year.

However, the most frequent entries in the accounts are for the purchase of tea, generally Bohea tea although there is one recorded purchase of Green tea. Not all the quantities of tea purchased are listed but Edward Evelyn paid out more than £35 for over 15lbs of Bohea tea, ½ lb Green tea, and over 2lbs of unspecified tea, with some entries just listed as ‘tea’. The tea was mostly bought for his own consumption although some was given away. The price of the tea did fluctuate during the period of his accounts ranging from 10/- a quarter pound in May 1710 to 6s 6d at its lowest price before rising back up to 7s 6d by 1713. It is worth putting the price of tea at this time in context, a quarter pound of tea was more expensive than a pair of shoes at its cheapest and at its most expensive, equated to two weeks wages earned by Robin, one of Edward’s servants.

Selected prose, quotes and sayings
Edward Evelyn also used his commonplace book for its original purpose, recording prose, quotes and sayings on several of the pages. The following is a selection of these, dated where possible.

Poetry
The virgin bride that swoons with deadly fear
to see the end of all her wishes near
When blushing from ye light and publick eyes
To ye kind covert of the night she flyes
With equall fires to meet ye bridegroom moves
Melts in his arms and with a loose she loves

July 7th 1711

Celias Triumph [or Venus dethrone’d]
Ah! How transporting doe the moments prove
When we enjoy ye nymphs we fondly love
Who with an equall warmth and ardor fire
Returns that passion with her eyes inspire
What words can paint the fierce invading flame
That seized each fibre of her trembling frame
When to my arms ye lovley Celia came
So Gentle soft the fire that warmed her breast
Which she a thousand tender ways exprest
Her Sparkling eyes shot flames of humid fire
While my pleasd soul was tun’d to Gay desire.
Close to my face her feavourish lips she joind
And with wild transports round my body twind
Fearfull of joy yet willing to be prest
She strove a while, then claspt me to her breast
Who can ye raptures of loves declare
Ye Gods! How soft our warm embraces were.
Up to our mouths our souls together rose
Till with ye bliss overcome we dy’d away
And for a while in speechless raptures lay
What’s all ye pleasures of ye world to this
But Gawdy trifles and a shew of bliss
Why are our lives prolonged to seventy years
Thin sown with love butt cramd with plague & care
And since we only can be said to live
When we to love our pleasant moments give
Instead of that long age of Anxious time
Give me ye Gods now in my Celias Arms
Whose matchless form my ravish’d fancy charms
And on her bosom gladly I’d expire
Like ye rich penis in her odrous fire
Quick and more quick her panting breath expires
Her tongue wants force to utter her desires
She left ye welcome story to her eye
Where humid fires were seen sufferd with joy
The sting of love now fixt within her breast
Passive she lies and waits ye welcome rest
[published in 1678]

On love and women
That heaven should say we must not sin and yet made woman

The ladies favours are like places at court, none holds them for life.

N’aimer guere en amour; est un moyen asseure’ pour ester aime’ [Not caring much in love is a sure way to remain loved]

Six weeks silence has accomplisht [accomplished] that desighn [design (plan)]; which a 100 letters and an affidious [affianced (betrothed)?] courtship for 3 years could never have brought to pass.
(Could this undated entry be a reference to Edward’s future wife, Julia Butler? The couple married in June 1713)

Le marriage qui devoit étre à l’homme une sourse de tous les biens lui est souvent par la disposition de sa fortune un loud fardeau sous lequell il soucombe l’est alors q’u une femme & ses enfans son tune vidde tentation a la fraude, au mensonage & aux gains illicites; il se frouve intre la fripponnerie & l’indeqince, etrange situation. [Marriage which should be to a man a source of all goods is often to him by his fortune position a heavy burden under which he falls as his wife and children are a great temptation to fraud, lies and illicit earnings; he finds himself between roguery and indecency, a strange situation.]

Latin
The following quote appears after Edward Evelyn disbanded the Stanwix Regiment and was written on 20th August 1712:
Dum Spiro Spero [While I breathe I hope, (ie: Where there’s life there’s hope)]

General and philosophical quotes
Aug 9th 1711
La modetie est au merite ce que les ombres sont au figures dans un tableau: Elle luy donne de la force et du relief. [Modesty is to merit what the shadows are to figures in a picture. It brings strength and some relief.]

Les petits esprits senyvrent de ces biens la’ & la tête leur en tourney: les sages sont sobres au milieu de l’abondance, ils ne croyent pas leurs apétits, & ne mangent pas plus en un festin; qu’ à lear ordinaire. [Little minds exhilarate from those matters and their heads spin from it: the wise men sober amidst abundance, they do not believe in their appetite and do not eat more during a feast as they would do ordinarily.]

Nature too unkind that made no medicine for a troubled mind.

Il n’y au monde que deuse manieres de s’elever ou par sa propre industrie, au par l’imbicilibe de les actes. [There is in the world only two ways to rise either by one’s own industry or by the unspeakable on one’s acts.]

Passages from Shakespeare
Besides extracts from Henry V and Richard II, the two below are probably most relevant to Edward Evelyn’s experiences between 1707 and 1710, during the War of Spanish Succession:

To morrow, to morrow, and to morrow, creeps in a stealing pace from day to day to the last moment of recorded time! And all our yesterdays have lighted fools to their eternal night! Out, out short candle! Life’s but a walking shadow. A poor player that struts and frets his hour upon ye stage and then is heard no more. [Macbeth]

Cowards die many times before their deaths, the valiant never taste of death but once. Of all the wonders that I yet have heard it seems to me most strange that men should fear seeing that death a necessary end will come when it will come. [Julius Cesar]

On death
Sept 20
Since deaths a debt entailed on human nature itt matters not when and where tis paid whatt distinguishes one man from another is doing of itt after ye handsomest manner.

23rd 1712
Il n’y a point de Tombeau plus glorieux que de mourir pour son pais. [There is no need of a tombstone too glorious when you die for one’s peace]

When all is done human life is at the greatest and its best but like a forward child that must be played with and humoured a little; to keep it quiet, till it falls asleep and then ye care is over.

Conclusion
Edward Evelyn’s commonplace book gives a wonderful insight into his education, interests and experiences, particularly his life between 1707 and 1713, making it possible to compare the hardship and reality of his involvement in the Peninsula wars with that of the life of a gentleman in England in the first decades of the 18th century. Analysis of the accounts found within the commonplace book open a small window on the clothing worn by gentlemen of the era, their adornments and almost addictive habit of tea drinking, which can be put into a wider context on comparison to the earnings of the lower classes and the general costs of living.

Although Edward Evelyn’s expenditure seems fairly extravagant after his return from the war, it would seem reasonable to assume that he was merely replacing possessions lost or left behind on campaign. However, it is evident from the wording of his will, that at the end of his life he was far less extravagant and a fairly humble man referring to his property as simply a ‘farm at Felbridge Water’. He would also appear to have had few ideas of grandeur for either himself or his succeeding son, inferred with the imposition of a maximum value placed on any prospective property should his son decide to build. Edward also appears to have been a very private man in later life as there are few documents relating to him and he infrequently uses his military rank of Colonel. It would seem that after his retirement from the army in 1719, he was quite content to retire to his house in the country settling with his family at Heath Hatch in Felbridge.

Bibliography

Commonplace book of Edward Evelyn, ADDMS38482, BL
IGI
Descendants of George Evelyn, http://www.stirnet.com
Handout, Lagham Manor, SJC 10/99, FHA
Handout, Felbridge Place, SJC 10/99, FHA
History of Surrey by E W Bayley
College of Oxford Alumni, http://content.ancestry.co.uk
Will of George Evelyn, 1699, PROB 11/459, NA
Godstone by U Lambert
Costume, 1066-1990’s, by J Peacock
James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde, Encyclopedia Britanica 11ed
History and Antiquities of Surrey, vol.2
Articles, Gage/Evelyn, 1747, Box 3151 SHC
Deed, Evelyn/Evelyn, 1748, Box 3151, SHC
Descendants of Edward Evelyn, The Weald – People history and Pedigree
Letters of Madame de Pougens, daughter of Edward and Julia Evelyn, donated by H Sayer, FHA
Edward Evelyn leases, 1700-1736, SAS/PN/ ESRO
Victoria History of Surrey
Articles between Lord Gage & Colonel Evelyn, Box 3151, SHC
Bourd map, 1748
Will of Edward Evelyn, 1752, PROB 11/792NA
Handout, Evelyn Column, SJC 08/99/ii, FHA
Marlborough’s Army, 1702-11 by M Barthorp
The Sceptred Isle, William of Orange, http://www.bbc.co.uk
William of Orange, http://www.undiscoveredscotland.co.uk
The Armies of Queen Anne by R E Scouller
The Art of Warfare in the Age of Marlborough by D Chandler
Thomas Stanwix, Dictionary of National Biography
Governor of Gibraltar, http://www.worldstatesman.org
John Stanwix, Dictionary of National Biography
The War of Spanish Succession in the Peninsula and its waters, 1702-14, http://britishbattles.com
War of Spanish Succession, http://www.balagan.org.uk
Major battles in Spain & Portugal, http://britishbattles.homestead.com
Battle of La Caya 1709, taken from The Tatler, May 19, 1709, http://freespace.virgin.net

Texts of all Handouts referred to in this document can be found on FHG website, www.Jeremy-Clarke.freeserve.co.uk

SJC/JIC 09/07